Shot of Trufafá, blood of unknown persons or action against “the faces” identified in Mozambique?

Paulo Vilanculo "

Lethal violence in Mozambique has been a growing problem, affecting individuals, communities and national stability. This phenomenon not only frightens the population, but also reveals deep flaws in security and justice institutions. This article addresses the issue of murders in Mozambique from the perspective of the silencing of protesters nicknamed “faces of disorder” in an attack on the fundamental human right, the right to life. The analysis focuses on the scope of the implications of the declaration of “familiar faces” against civilians in Mozambique in light of politicians’ speeches, journalistic reports and sociopolitical analyses. Keywords:Mozambique, violence, murders, human rights, justice. In Mozambique, several civil society organizations and international observers have denounced arbitrary killings as a way of prohibiting peaceful demonstrations, arguing that they were not properly communicated or that they put public safety at risk (Amnesty International, 2021). On the other hand, the trivialization of the use of firearms in broad daylight reveals a culture of violence with deep roots. As Zaqueu (2021) points out, “when justice is slow or absent, violence becomes an alternative resource for resolving conflicts or silencing.” The frequent occurrence of assassinations, including executions, linked to post-election conflicts raises concerns about the effectiveness of security and justice institutions. The shootings in broad daylight in Mozambique are a symptom of a broader crisis: the erosion of institutional trust and citizen security. These incidents often involve political figures, raising suspicions about the existence of armed groups with political protection.The declaration of recognition of the so-called “faces that destroy public and private assets, damaging the economy” represents a threat to life and Human Rights in Mozambique. The persistence of shootings has devastating effects on the Mozambican social fabric. In many and all cases, the perpetrators of the shootings are not identified or arrested, which reinforces the feeling of insecurity. According to data from the Center for Democracy and Development (CDD), "shootings in public spaces reflect the normalization of violence as a political and economic language in the country" (CDD, 2023). Impunity is one of the main causes of the worsening situation. "In Mozambique, killing in broad daylight has become almost commonplace. The lack of accountability gives criminals the certainty that they will go unpunished" (Valoi, 2023). In a State governed by the rule of law, the law must protect and not excessively restrict fundamental freedoms. The doctrine argues that “a democratic State governed by the rule of law requires respect for public freedoms, including the right to demonstrate, which constitutes a mechanism of social and political control” (Bobbio, 2000). In Mozambique, the principle of the Rule of Law is enshrined in Article 3 of the CRM, which stresses the State’s submission to the Constitution and the laws. Any restriction on fundamental rights must be interpreted restrictively and justified by specific imperatives, and cannot serve as an instrument of repression. The Constitution of the Republic of Mozambique (CRM) of 2004 (revised in 2018) enshrines in article 51, paragraph 1, that “citizens have the right to freedom of assembly and demonstration, under the terms of the law”. This precept enshrines the fundamental right to demonstrate peacefully, without the need for prior authorization, but with possible obligation to notify the competent authorities. Law No. 9/91 of July 18 regulates the right to assembly and demonstration, determining that “meetings and demonstrations in public places must be communicated at least four working days in advance to the competent administrative authority” (article 4). This requirement does not constitute authorization, but rather communication, which reaffirms the democratic and participatory nature of the law. In a democratic state governed by the rule of law, such as Mozambique, the right to protest is one of the most visible forms of citizen participation and the exercise of freedom of expression and assembly. According to João Nogueira (2016), “limitations on the right to protest cannot nullify the essential content of the right itself, nor can they be used as a pretext to silence dissenting voices”. According to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UN, 1948), the right to life is a fundamental and inalienable right, and it is the duty of the State to guarantee its protection. Respect for human rights must be the basis for any strategy to prevent and combat murders in the country. Lethal violence poses a significant challenge, undermining the rights to life, security and justice. As long as violence remains the dominant language, Mozambique’s democratic future will remain under threat. In theory, legal restrictions on the right to protest must respect the principles of legality, necessity and proportionality, as set out in international human rights instruments ratified by Mozambique, such as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (Art. 21) and the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights (Art. 11). Armed violence in Mozambique is not an isolated phenomenon, but is embedded in a political context of corruption, institutional fragility and social inequality. According to Forquilha (2022), “the Mozambican state is facing a crisis of legitimacy, aggravated by a growing public perception of impunity”. Young people, the main victims of direct or indirect violence, live under the specter of unemployment and lack of prospects. As Castel (1998) writes, “social exclusion and insecurity go hand in hand as expressions of the fragility of citizenship”. The eradication of lethal violence in Mozambique requires a joint commitment between the State, civil society and international organizations. Combating political assassinations requires political courage, popular pressure and rebuilding social foundations. The Mozambican government must adopt new measures to combat violence, such as strengthening security policies with the collaboration of civil society, which also plays a key role in reporting violations and pushing for reforms. It is necessary to invest in deep institutional reforms, effective accountability and community involvement in the development of security strategies. Transitional justice, applied in post-conflict contexts, can be a useful tool to restore trust and address past crimes that went unpunished.

2025/12/3