Mining company attempts to silence journalism in Manica province

Paulo Vilanculo"

The title prompts deep reflection on the people's constitutionally enshrined right to information, and on the escalating intimidation directed not only at one particular journalist, but at the entire journalistic profession.In the midst of tensions linked to gold mining, attacks on journalists, and conflicts of economic interest in Manica province, the presence of an unidentified caravan in recent days fuels suspicions about the actions of organized structures, possibly linked to influential local interests, reinforcing a climate of fear and insecurity that demands immediate public clarification from the competent authorities.

In recent years, Manica has become a territory of fierce dispute over gold. Artisanal miners, private companies, shadowy intermediaries, and economically powerful groups compete for areas, licenses, and income in an environment where weak state oversight and corruption create fertile ground for abuses. In this scenario, investigative journalism emerges as an inconvenient element, as it disrupts the official narrative of legality, development, and "responsible investment." Carlos Cadangue has distinguished himself through sensitive reporting on artisanal mining, the actions of mining consortia, economic monopoly networks, and the silent complicity of certain institutional actors in the gold mining sector. When economic interests linked to mining resort to violence to silence inconvenient reports, the real target ceases to be the reporter and becomes society, deprived of its right to know. This is a serious act that occurs in a context marked by violent economic disputes, institutional opacity, and conflicts of interest surrounding gold mining in Manica province. However, when the sector also begins to produce victims in the field of social communication, the problem takes on a new and alarming dimension. The attempt to silence critical voices establishes fear as a method, conditions freedom of expression, and pushes journalism towards self-censorship, weakening the public sphere and eroding the pillars of democracy.

This is not just about silencing a voice, but about sending a deterrent message to the entire journalistic class that investigates mining, which can cost lives. In these contexts, informing becomes an act of courage, and silence, far from being neutral, becomes a victory for those who profit from opacity. The recent attempted shooting of journalist Carlos Cadangue cannot be read as an isolated episode of common crime. Looking at the vast mineral-rich territory in Mozambique, it is not the first time that mining in Mozambique has been associated with social conflicts, environmental destruction, and human rights violations. Gold mining in the province of Manica, Mozambique, is characterized by a mixture of formal concessions and intense artisanal mining. Artisanal miners occupy large areas in a disorderly manner, especially in the Vanduzi district, representing a significant force in production. Recently, operations in the "Seis Carros" area in Vanduzi have come to the forefront, associated with the company África Tantalite and the Nhamahambo Cooperative, which holds concessions for a vast gold mining area (approximately 10,000 hectares) in Púnguè-Sul, Vanduzi district. Although other mining companies operate in the country, recent reports focus on the dispute and regulation of artisanal mining areas in the Vanduzi district.

Information indicates that the family of former President Filipe Nyusi has links to gold mining in Manica through Florindo Nyusi (his son), who controls the company.Flomining SA.This company obtained gold exploration licenses, including an area previously associated with the interests of Armando Guebuza's family, and was involved in controversies regarding the acquisition of licenses and suspended for environmental irregularities and lack of technical documentation, operating with Chinese partners in Mharidza. Reports indicate that Flomining SA had taken control of mining areas under strong pressure in the Manica district. The General Inspectorate of Mineral Resources visited the Flomining SA mine, finding several irregularities in its operation. The mining company was notified and suspended for causing pollution in rivers and for operating without an environmental license and safety plan, using Chinese technology. Evidence also points to the indirect involvement of the governor of Manica, Francisca Tomás, through her representatives Filomena Tomás and Inocêncio Fainda, who continue to mine gold through a cooperative owned by their children, even after the official suspension decreed by the Government.

Last Saturday, January 31, 2026, three Land Cruiser vehicles, apparently military in appearance, were sighted in Gondola, traveling in a convoy from Gondola to Chimoio, without any visible identification associating them with the Police of the Republic of Mozambique, the UIR, the GOE, or the Defense and Security Forces. The absence of official insignia and the coordinated pattern of movement raise serious questions about the nature of the force, its destination, and the objective of the movement. The presence of troops from the Rwanda Defence Force (RDF), dSince 2021, Rwandan military forces have been deployed in Mozambique, particularly in Cabo Delgado, and reports indicate that thousands of Rwandan soldiers will remain in the country until 2026 by agreement with the Mozambican government.These forces have authorization from the Mozambican state to be in the country and move along national roads when necessary.

According to journalist Carlos Cadangue himself, the perpetrator of the shooting that hit the vehicle in which he was traveling, accompanied by his son, was wearing a raincoat and had exited a dark-colored Ford Ranger with a national license plate, a detail that raises serious concerns about the level of organization of the attack. This description rules out the possibility of a spontaneous act or common crime and opens the door to the theory that the perpetrators may be part of an organized local force or structure, with logistics, cover, and knowledge of the terrain. The use of a robust vehicle registered in the country further suggests the possibility of influential and economically powerful masterminds, capable of operating outside the law and with an apparent sense of impunity, reinforcing the suspicion that the attack may be linked to elite interests bothered by the journalistic activity of the target.

The state's reaction, so far, raises more concerns than it offers guarantees. The lack of swift clarifications, the slow pace of investigations, and the history of impunity in similar cases reinforce the perception that there is a dangerous tolerance for violence against journalists, especially when it intersects with large-scale economic interests. Institutional neutrality, in these circumstances, can easily be interpreted as passive complicity. In a country that claims to be committed to transparency, sustainable development, and the rule of law, allowing mining to silence journalism is to accept violence as a legitimate instrument of economic management. And this, sooner or later, exacts too high a price from society as a whole.

When a journalist becomes the target of armed intimidation for exposing conflicting interests, predatory practices, and the marginalization of local communities, the journalist has touched on one of the most sensitive nerves of the regional extractive economy: easy profit protected by silence. Attacking journalists is attacking the mechanisms of democratic control and pushing communities into informational isolation. The attempted violent silencing of Cadangue reveals the lengths to which certain interests are willing to go to protect privileges. The attack ceases to be merely against a citizen and becomes a direct attack on freedom of the press and the public's right to information. This modus operandi will transform the province into a zone of fear, where censorship ceases to be administrative or economic and becomes physical. The case of Carlos Cadangue should be seen as a test of the country's democratic maturity. Protecting the journalist, investigating the crime independently, and holding the moral and material authors accountable is not a corporate favor to the press, but a constitutional obligation. Otherwise, Manica risks becoming a place where gold speaks louder than truth, and where bullets replace arguments.

2025/12/3