AfrikoPoliticus: African prosperity, a dream denied by its leaders?

Paulo Vilanculo"

The post-independence African political trajectory is marked by a bitter contradiction: the promise of prosperity and freedom fueled by liberation and emancipation movements, gradually replaced by authoritarian, centralizing regimes, some of which have become prisoners of power and incapable of promoting collective well-being. The suggestion "AfrikoPoliticus" is not just an analysis of rulers, but a reflection on the very soul of Africa's political life, a continent rich in potential but continually betrayed by its elites who confuse independence with individual privilege.

 From the euphoric days of independence to contemporary development forums, the dream of a prosperous Africa seems to persist in eluding reach. For decades, the African continent has been the scene of eloquent discourses on sovereignty and self-determination. Leaders who present themselves as liberators have become guardians of systems that block change, critical thinking, and equitable growth. Amidst the rhetoric of liberation and prosperity, leaders who were once symbols of hope have become protagonists of disillusioning authoritarian regimes marked by repression, inequality, corruption, and poor governance. Some examples reveal a disturbing pattern confirming that African prosperity has been denied not by a lack of resources, but by the persistence of a political elite that confuses liberation with the appropriation of power.

In Malawi, Hastings Kamuzu Banda remains a scar on political history. Banda ruled from 1964 to 1994. His regime, sustained by his image as a "father of the nation," went from nationalist hero to absolute autocrat, with an iron fist and built a police state where any dissenting voice was silenced. It is estimated that more than 18,000 Malawians were killed under his command, a cruel price for the apparent stability he promised. His anti-communist rhetoric, welcomed by the West during the Cold War, secured him external support, but internally destroyed the seed of freedom and prosperity that Malawi so desperately yearned for.

In Zimbabwe, Robert Mugabe ruled the country after the war for nearly four decades, initially as Prime Minister from 1980 to 1987, and later as a political figure until November 2017. Mugabe, from revolutionary hero to feared dictator, as president with total executive powers, ruled with an iron fist as the country's economy collapsed under disastrous policies and brutal repression. The dream of land redistribution turned into an inflationary nightmare; bread and work became luxuries; and freedom, a mirage. The anti-imperialist rhetoric that made him a continental icon became a curtain for domestic authoritarianism. Mugabe offers a tragic portrait of how liberation can turn into domination.

In Cameroon, the case of Paul Biya, 92, in power since 1982. He has governed for 43 years, is an extreme example of political longevity without democratic renewal, supported by a constitution amended to eliminate term limits. Despite the country's natural wealth of oil, gas, aluminum, gold, and cocoa, a quarter of the population lives below the poverty line. Promises of stability are marred by censorship, repression, and a state increasingly distant from the population. As a DW report summarizes, Biya's regime "combines media silence, political fear, and deferred hope."

In Uganda, Yoweri Museveni, in power since 1986 and reelected six times amid accusations of electoral manipulation, repression of the opposition, and a cult of personality, embodies the paradox of authoritarian stability. Museveni insists that his leadership is synonymous with continuity and peace, while the country faces youth unemployment, inequality, and restricted civil liberties. For many Ugandans, he is a leader who transformed the revolution into personal property, and for the West, Museveni is the "strongman" who guarantees security in an unstable region.

In Mozambique, Joaquim Alberto Chissano took over as Prime Minister of the transitional government and played a key role in the 1974 negotiations that resulted in Mozambique's independence. He was then appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs, and following the assassination of the first President Samora Machel of independent Mozambique in 1986, Chissano was appointed as his successor and governed Mozambique from 1986 to 2005. Chissano led economic and political reforms that the West applauded, but whose social translation fell short of what was promised.

In the wake of the African Prosperity Dialogue (APD) in 2024, former President of the Republic of Mozambique Joaquim Chissano stated that the topic of prosperity in Africa is not a new topic, as it has been discussed since the beginning of Africa's emancipation movements, "from the struggles for independence." "First, we will acquire political independence, and everything else will follow (...)" he stated. (Aburi Hills, Ghana, January 27, 2024 - AIM). The former president himself acknowledged that "African prosperity is not a new issue," noting that independence leaders believed that achieving political freedom was enough for "everything else to follow." Joaquim Chissano embodies the transition from revolutionary ideals to impractical diplomacy to hopeful freedom that will never materialize for Mozambique, which continues to struggle against structural poverty, corruption, and social exclusion.

The question that echoes is, is African prosperity a dream denied by others or by Africans themselves?

The examples above reveal a continental pattern of African leaders liberating themselves, not their nations. They brought formal freedom to Africans, without social emancipation, in an African utopia of past glory that feeds the ruins of the present, far from true freedom, the kind that liberates from hunger, ignorance, and corruption that still awaits its dawn. The leaders were liberated, but not the institutions; the parties were liberated, but not the consciences; the discourses were liberated, but not the living conditions. The ruling elite, which once proclaimed itself the vanguard of liberation, has become the new African aristocracy.

As Frantz Fanon observes, "the national bourgeoisie replaces the colonizer; it does not transform the structures of domination, it merely changes the address of the oppressor." The dream of collective emancipation transformed into the personal emancipation of political elites, who quickly exchanged the colonial yoke for an internal monopoly of power. Thus, "African prosperity" is becoming a project interrupted by political greed. Perhaps Africa's greatest challenge is not only economic, but also ethical and political: the courage to break the cycle of "lifelong liberators" and usher in a new generation of leaders committed to the common good.

2025/12/3