
Dário Júlio Maunze "
What happens to the dreams of a generation (the expression refers to children, adolescents, and young people whose life stories have been or are being directly or indirectly marked by terrorism) when insecurity begins to determine their choices?
How can we shape the future of a generation growing up in a context where violence can interrupt studies, separate families, and compromise job opportunities?
These questions allow us to look at terrorism in Mozambique beyond the human and material losses, seeking to understand how this phenomenon interferes with the life plans and expectations of this generation.
In this sense, Karl Mannheim (1928), in analyzing the relationship between generations and historical experiences, helps us to better understand this reality, by considering that the conditions in which a generation grows up can influence its worldview, its aspirations, and the way it imagines the future.
In the Mozambican case, growing up under the shadow of terrorism can mean building life projects in an environment of uncertainty. However, this generation does not constitute a homogeneous group, since their experiences and responses depend on the family, economic, and social circumstances in which they live.
In some communities in Cabo Delgado, for example, violence has forced families to abandon their communities, interrupted schooling, and compromised economic activities. For some, the future has ceased to be a matter of career choice or personal fulfillment and has come to depend, first and foremost, on the possibility of regaining security and basic living conditions. And for others, they seek to continue their studies, work, or rebuild their communities, even in the face of significant obstacles.
Thus, terrorism not only affects the present, it can alter the conditions from which an entire generation imagines and plans for the future.
This reality is similar to the issues discussed by Feijó, Maquenzi, and Rachide (2022) in their study on "Ingredients for a youth revolt: poverty, consumer society, and frustrated expectations." In this study, the authors seek to understand the difficulties of socioeconomic integration faced by young people and the gap between their aspirations and available opportunities. This reflection is particularly relevant in a context where violence can exacerbate existing vulnerabilities; however, it is further aggravated when society encourages this generation to seek success, independence, and prosperity, but they do not find the conditions, either from society or from the State in particular, to achieve these goals.
This reality also fits into the dialogue with Robert Merton (1938), when analyzing the gap between the goals of success valued by society and the means available to achieve them. After all, advising a young person to be an entrepreneur without access to capital, training, or a market is almost like giving them a recipe and forgetting the ingredients.
When this issue is linked to the context of terrorism in Mozambique, these difficulties can become even more complex. Because, on the one hand, the loss of educational and professional opportunities can limit economic autonomy and prolong family dependence. And on the other hand, exposure to images of success on social media, as we have seen recently, can increase the perceived distance between the desired life and the possible life.
It is important to understand that this is not to say that frustration necessarily leads to violence, but to recognize that unmet expectations deserve attention when analyzing the relationships between youth, exclusion, and social stability.
Rufino Sitóe's (2026) research on the mobilization of young people towards violent extremism in Cabo Delgado adds an important dimension to this debate. Recruitment processes involve different factors, including financial incentives, enticement, and forced recruitment. Therefore, the vulnerability of this generation should not be explained solely by poverty, nor should living in a context of violence be confused with participating in it.
However, what does this generation expect from society? Above all, they expect conditions to resume their life projects, accessible schools, vocational training, job opportunities, security, and the possibility of participating in decisions that affect their communities. For those who have been displaced, there may also be the expectation of returning home. For others still, the priority may be to build a stable life in the place where they found refuge.
These aspirations are not necessarily the same, but they share a fundamental need, which is to regain some ability to decide about one's own future.
Conversely, society often expects young people, or this generation in particular, to be resilient, entrepreneurial, participatory, and agents of peace. These expectations are legitimate, but we cannot demand initiative without opportunities, autonomy without means of subsistence, or participation without real spaces for intervention.
It is equally important to consider that growing up in a context of violence can lead to different life trajectories. Some young people of this generation, for example, may transform their experiences into a commitment to community rebuilding, but others may face distrust, frustration, or difficulties in recovering interrupted plans.
It is not possible to predict a single answer for an entire generation. The future will depend, in part, on the opportunities available, the support of families and communities, and the ability of institutions to respond to the needs of this generation.
Therefore, the recovery of areas affected by terrorism should not be assessed solely by the decrease in attacks or the return of populations. It is also necessary to observe whether conditions exist that allow this generation to make plans again without fear permanently dictating their choices.
The generation that grows up in the shadow of terrorism is not condemned to lose its dreams. However, it cannot be held solely responsible for recovering what violence has compromised. Continued education, vocational training, access to employment, psychosocial support, and youth participation in community decision-making must be part of peacebuilding efforts.
If we expect these young people to contribute to the peace and development of Mozambique, what conditions are we creating for them to do so? And when we talk about the expectations of this generation, are we listening to what they themselves expect from society, or are we merely listing what we wish it to be?
2025/12/3
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