
Alípio Freeman "
"HOW CAN THE MASS MEDIA BALANCE THE SCALE?"
If, on a social level, we are witnessing profound transformations that are shaping individual behaviors, expectations, and choices, the political sphere is no less complex. The Mozambican democratic arena, like that of many contemporary democracies, is also being traversed by new technological dynamics that have profoundly altered the way public debate is constructed, manipulated, and consumed.
The political exploitation of opponents' missteps is nothing new. Since the dawn of democratic competition, discursive errors, contradictions, or personal weaknesses have always been used as legitimate instruments of political dispute. Politics, after all, has never been a territory of moral naiveté. Exposing the opponent's flaws is part of the democratic game and could hardly be considered, in itself, a violation of the unwritten rules of political coexistence.
However, what once depended on traditional media or face-to-face debates has been radically transformed with the advent of social media and digital technologies. Today, a two-hour interview can be reduced to a carefully selected twenty-second excerpt, decontextualized and amplified until it acquires a meaning completely different from that originally intended. This fragment circulates with viral speed, shapes public perceptions, and often defines entire political reputations.
We should not necessarily interpret this practice as an absolute absence of fair play. Rather, it is a political trick—questionable from an ethical standpoint, but consistent with the competitive nature of modern politics. Politics rarely operates under absolute moral criteria; it operates under power relations, narrative, and public perception. In this sense, the strategic manipulation of discourse has become an integral part of contemporary disputes.
The very transformation of discourse through the use of so-called social intelligence—algorithms, digital editing, artificial intelligence, and communication engineering—should not only provoke collective alarm. Above all, it should call for greater civic maturity. Resilient democratic societies do not protect themselves by eliminating manipulation, but by educating citizens capable of recognizing it. Fortunately, technological and institutional mechanisms capable of detecting fabrications, adulterations, and narrative distortions are beginning to emerge, although these remain insufficient in the face of the speed of disinformation.
Up to this point, one could argue that Mozambique follows global trends considered normal within contemporary democracies. The national political debate, despite its imperfections, has historically demonstrated a considerable level of peaceful coexistence between divergent positions. Polarization exists—and is slowly intensifying—but it has not yet destroyed the capacity of citizens to coexist socially despite partisan differences. In markets, neighborhoods, families, and workplaces, Mozambicans continue to demonstrate a social maturity that many older democracies have already lost.
The real breaking point, however, seems to emerge during election periods. For much of the five-year political cycle, certain institutional actors remain seemingly distant from public debate, adopting a technical and neutral stance. However, as elections approach, there is often an emergence that raises legitimate doubts about impartiality. I am referring specifically to electoral management bodies at different levels and, in a particularly sensitive way, to the Constitutional Council itself.
In a democratic state, few institutions bear as high a responsibility as those charged with validating the popular will expressed at the ballot box. When these institutions cease to inspire full confidence, it is not only an election result that is called into question—it is the very social contract that underpins the idea of the state. Unfortunately, there is a growing perception among citizens that the highest level of Mozambican electoral justice has, at certain times, failed in the fundamental imperative of impartiality.
Such a perception, whether justified or not, constitutes a real danger to any democracy. Political legitimacy does not arise solely from electoral victory; it arises above all from the collective acceptance that the process was fair. No national project is consolidated when significant portions of the population believe that their will has been administratively reinterpreted or judicially adjusted.
Mozambique continues, paradoxically, to be a positive example in African political debate. Despite tensions, there are no irreversible social ruptures or widespread conflicts motivated by electoral differences. There is still a culture of coexistence that prioritizes peace over open confrontation. This social capital is precious and cannot be wasted.
But this stability should not be confused with resignation. Democratic consolidation requires something seemingly simple, but historically difficult: institutional honesty. Perhaps it would be enough for judges to simply be independent, upright, and impervious to political pressures for the country to take a decisive qualitative leap in consolidating its democratic process.
Because, in the end, every democracy rests on an act of collective faith: the vote. It is in the ballot box that the citizen deposits not only a ballot, but hope, frustration, expectation, and national belonging. When this will is respected, trust in the State is strengthened; when it is distorted, the very idea of nation is silently weakened.
The great challenge for Mozambique is not learning how to vote; the people have already demonstrated they know how to do that. The challenge is ensuring that the will expressed in the ballot box is fully respected. Only in this way can we consolidate, with maturity and stability, our common project of building a true national state, where political alternation does not represent a threat, but a confirmation of democratic vitality.
2025/12/3
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Copyright Jornal Preto e Branco Todos Direitos Resevados . 2025
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