Education as an Instrument of Sovereignty: Lessons from Burkina Faso for Mozambique

Alberto Mudjadju"

From intellectual dependence to the construction of a national consciousness

A state's sovereignty is not manifested exclusively through control of its borders, military defense capabilities, economic independence, or autonomy in political decision-making. There is a less visible, but equally crucial dimension for the survival and affirmation of any state: the sovereignty of thought. A country may possess territory, institutions, natural resources, and defense and security forces, but remain intellectually dependent if its new generations do not know its history, do not value its identity, and do not develop their own capacity to interpret national and international reality. It is in this context that the educational reform announced in Burkina Faso deserves attention. The revision of school curricula, the valorization of African history, the recovery of national cultural references, and the inclusion of the study of the Haitian Revolution raise a reflection on how new generations understand the past and project the future of their country. The question that emerges from this experience transcends Burkinabé borders: to what extent can education constitute a strategic instrument for asserting national sovereignty? And, above all, what lessons can Mozambique draw from this experience?

Burkina Faso has promoted initiatives to transform its education system, including the revision of curricula and the valorization of endogenous knowledge, national languages, African history, and experiences of resistance to colonial domination. One aspect that deserves highlighting is the inclusion of the Haitian Revolution in the History curriculum. Beginning in 1791 and culminating in Haiti's independence in 1804, this revolution constitutes one of the most important events in the struggle against slavery and colonial domination. The Haitian Revolution demonstrated that populations subjected to slavery could organize themselves politically, achieve freedom, and establish an independent state. Its approach allows for the broadening of students' historical horizons, showing that the history of freedom, resistance, and the construction of sovereignty does not belong exclusively to European powers. These initiatives should be understood within the framework of a broader discussion about the refounding of the Burkinabe school system and the relationship between education, identity, science, research, and sovereignty. Education becomes strategic when it forms citizens capable of understanding their reality and consciously participating in the construction of the state.

The school should not be understood merely as an institution intended to transmit scientific knowledge, develop professional skills, or prepare individuals for the job market. It also participates in the construction of collective consciousness, the transmission of historical memory, and the formation of citizenship. It is through education that a society transmits to new generations the events that have marked its existence, the values ​​it considers fundamental, and the responsibilities associated with life in community. In this sense, education has a political and strategic dimension because it influences how citizens understand the State, society, freedom, rights, and duties. Paulo Freire, in *Pedagogy of the Oppressed* (1970), advocates for an education capable of developing the critical consciousness of individuals, allowing them to understand and transform the reality in which they live. This perspective is particularly relevant for African countries. It is not enough to train citizens who know how to read, write, and perform professional tasks. It is necessary to train citizens who know how to question, interpret, produce knowledge, and understand the challenges that condition the development of their societies. Sovereignty is also built when a people develops the capacity to produce knowledge about themselves, instead of permanently depending on external interpretations of their history and reality.

Mozambique possesses a historical heritage of immense importance. The resistance to colonial occupation, the national liberation struggle, the proclamation of independence, the construction of the State, and the challenges of national reconciliation constitute fundamental elements of our collective memory. Figures such as Eduardo Mondlane, Samora Machel, Josina Machel, Filipe Samuel Magaia, and other protagonists of the national liberation struggle are part of a history that must be known by new generations. However, the appreciation of national history should not be limited to the memorization of dates, names, and events. It is essential that students understand the historical circumstances that led to the liberation struggle, the sacrifices made, the different processes of state building, and the challenges that continue to condition the consolidation of national unity. The Constitution of the Republic of Mozambique establishes, in Article 113, that the educational strategy must contribute to national unity, the eradication of illiteracy, the mastery of science and technology, and the formation of moral and civic values. In turn, Article 9 recognizes national languages ​​as cultural and educational heritage and promotes their appreciation. Thus, the relationship between education, identity, and sovereignty finds its foundation in the Mozambican legal system. The challenge lies in transforming these principles into concrete educational practices.

One issue that deserves reflection is how African history is presented in education systems. For a long time, a significant portion of historiographical production on Africa has been structured from external perspectives, often privileging European expansion, colonization, and the intervention of foreign powers. While these approaches are important for understanding historical processes, they cannot constitute the sole perspective for interpreting the African past. It is necessary to recover the political, economic, cultural, and military experiences of African peoples, including their mechanisms of social organization, their forms of resistance, and their contributions to universal history. In the case of Mozambique, this means deepening the study of pre-colonial societies, ancient states and political formations, resistance to colonial occupation, nationalist movements, and the armed struggle for national liberation. It also means critically studying the conflicts, the difficulties of state-building, and the processes of transformation of Mozambican society. Knowing history does not necessarily mean agreeing with all the decisions made by historical protagonists. It means developing the capacity to understand the past, identify its lessons, and avoid repeating its mistakes. An education truly geared towards sovereignty should not produce citizens who merely reproduce official narratives. It should produce citizens who know their history and possess the intellectual capacity to analyze it critically.

The strategic lessons from Burkina Faso for Mozambique can be described in the following sequence: first: valuing national history. It is important to deepen the teaching of Mozambican history, giving greater attention to the protagonists, events, and processes that contributed to the formation of national identity. Second: valuing national languages. Mozambican languages ​​represent cultural heritage and instruments for transmitting knowledge. Their integration into the educational process can contribute to a more inclusive learning experience closer to community realities. Third: strengthening civic and patriotic education. Patriotic education should be associated with social responsibility, integrity, the preservation of public goods, solidarity, and respect for institutions. Fourth: producing national knowledge. Universities, academies, research centers, and educational institutions should play a more active role in producing knowledge about Mozambican problems. We cannot depend exclusively on external studies to understand fundamental issues of our security, economy, culture, and development. Fifth: linking education and national security. National security does not depend exclusively on the operational capacity of the Defense and Security Forces. It also depends on the education of citizens, trust in institutions, social cohesion, and the collective capacity to resist manipulation, disinformation, and threats that exploit social vulnerabilities. In this sense, education is also an instrument for conflict prevention and strengthening national resilience.

In the current international context, characterized by geopolitical competition, technological rivalry, the circulation of narratives, and the growing importance of information, states need to develop capabilities that go beyond traditional instruments of power. The capacity to produce knowledge, develop technology, preserve historical memory, and educate intellectually autonomous citizens has become an important component of sovereignty. A country that does not invest in the critical thinking development of its new generations risks becoming a permanent consumer of ideas, interpretations, and solutions produced by others. This does not mean rejecting international cooperation or universal knowledge. It means establishing a balanced relationship between internationally produced knowledge and the national capacity to interpret, adapt, and use it for the benefit of society. Mozambique needs an education that prepares its citizens to understand the world, but also allows them to deeply understand their own country.

The example of Burkina Faso should not be mechanically replicated. It should be studied critically, identifying experiences that can be adapted to the Mozambican reality. A truly sovereign state is not only one that controls its territory and decides its political destiny. It is also one that has citizens capable of thinking about their own future. Because independence is won in history, but sovereignty is built daily through knowledge.

2025/12/3